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A Study of Inflection and Derivation in the Mental Lexicon

Research Project

Project/Area Number 06610445
Research Category

Grant-in-Aid for General Scientific Research (C)

Allocation TypeSingle-year Grants
Research Field 英語・英米文学
Research InstitutionTsuda College

Principal Investigator

SHIMAMURA Reiko  Tsuda College, Liberal Arts, Professor, 学芸学部, 教授 (80015817)

Project Period (FY) 1994 – 1995
Project Status Completed (Fiscal Year 1995)
Budget Amount *help
¥1,300,000 (Direct Cost: ¥1,300,000)
Fiscal Year 1995: ¥400,000 (Direct Cost: ¥400,000)
Fiscal Year 1994: ¥900,000 (Direct Cost: ¥900,000)
Keywordsmental lexicon / inflection / derivation / rule / analogy / default / morphology / Universal Grammar / 規制 / 動作主名詞 / 語種 / コネクショニズム / 言語習習 / 生成文法
Research Abstract

The present research aims to consider whether the clear distinction between regulars and irregulars in inflectional morphology, claimed by Pinker and others, applies to derivational morphology as well. According to symbolists like Pinker, regular inflected forms are obtained by rules, whereas irregular ones are assumed to be stored in associative memory, and it sometimes happens that novel irregulars are formed by anaology with actual ones. This proposal is directly opposed to the connectionists' claim that there are no qualitative differences between ragulars and irregulars, and therefore that the mental lexicon has no room for rules.
I showed in this research that, as in the case of inflectional morphology, derivational morphology includes some affixes which can be qualified as default, such as the English suffix -ness and the Japanese suffix -sa, both of which derive abstract nouns from adjectives. What this research investigated most closely is derived nouns representing agents in English and Japanese. It turned out that English has the agent suffix -er as default, while in Japanese there is no default affix among various agent suffixes. I pointed out that agent nouns in Japanese, including those which have one of the productive suffixes -sha (-*), -nin (-*) and -te (-*) attached to them, are restricted with respect to the morpheme class (Yamato, Sino-Japanese, Foreign, or Mimetic) which they belong to. These four morpheme classes are considered to be differentiated from each other at least partially by some phonological properties. It seems, therefore, that we can consider that newly formed agent nouns in Japanese are the produsts not of rules, but of analogy with the actual agent nouns stored in the lexicon to which they are phonologically similar. This proposal shuld further be proved by an experiment in which nonsense words are used which I am planning to make.

Report

(3 results)
  • 1995 Annual Research Report   Final Research Report Summary
  • 1994 Annual Research Report
  • Research Products

    (6 results)

All Other

All Publications (6 results)

  • [Publications] 島村礼子: "「Mental lexiconにおける屈折と派生-デフォルト規則の存在をめぐって-」" 津田塾大学紀要. 27. 45-69 (1995)

    • Description
      「研究成果報告書概要(和文)」より
    • Related Report
      1995 Final Research Report Summary
  • [Publications] 島村礼子: "「単語の日英比較-心的辞書から見た派生語を中心に-」" 日本語学. 14(5). 72-80 (1995)

    • Description
      「研究成果報告書概要(和文)」より
    • Related Report
      1995 Final Research Report Summary
  • [Publications] Reiko Shimamura: "Inflection and Derivation in the Mental Lexicon : The Existence of Default Rules" The Journal of Tsuda College. 27. 45-69 (1995)

    • Description
      「研究成果報告書概要(欧文)」より
    • Related Report
      1995 Final Research Report Summary
  • [Publications] Reiko Shimamura: "The Comparison of Words in English and Japanese : With Special Emphasis on Derived Words" Japanese Linguistics. 14 (5). 72-80 (1995)

    • Description
      「研究成果報告書概要(欧文)」より
    • Related Report
      1995 Final Research Report Summary
  • [Publications] 島村礼子: "Mental lexiconにおける屈折と派生-デフォルト規則の存在をめぐって-" 津田塾大学紀要. 27. 25 (1995)

    • Related Report
      1994 Annual Research Report
  • [Publications] 島村礼子: "単語の日英比較-心的辞書からみた派生語を中心に-" 『日本語学』1995年5月号. 14巻5号. (1995)

    • Related Report
      1994 Annual Research Report

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Published: 1994-04-01   Modified: 2016-04-21  

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