| Project/Area Number |
09410125
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| Research Category |
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B)
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| Allocation Type | Single-year Grants |
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| Section | 一般 |
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| Research Field |
言語学・音声学
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| Research Institution | Kyoto Sangyo University (1998-1999)
Kyoto University (1997) |
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Principal Investigator |
OSHIRO Terumasa (1998-1999) Kyoto Sangyo University, Faculty of Foreign Languages, Professor, 外国語学部, 教授 (40122379)
吉田 和彦 (1997) 京都大学, 文学研究科, 教授 (90183699)
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| Co-Investigator(Kenkyū-buntansha) |
YOSHIDA Kazuhiko Kyoto University, Graduate School of Letters, Professor, 大学院・文学研究科, 教授 (90183699)
河崎 靖 京都大学, 総合人間学部, 助教授 (40186086)
大城 光正 京都産業大学, 外国語学部, 教授 (40122379)
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| Project Period (FY) |
1997 – 1999
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| Project Status |
Completed (Fiscal Year 1999)
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| Budget Amount *help |
¥9,700,000 (Direct Cost: ¥9,700,000)
Fiscal Year 1999: ¥2,200,000 (Direct Cost: ¥2,200,000)
Fiscal Year 1998: ¥2,400,000 (Direct Cost: ¥2,400,000)
Fiscal Year 1997: ¥5,100,000 (Direct Cost: ¥5,100,000)
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| Keywords | Hittite / lenition / affricate / Proto-Anatolian / reflexive / verb / middle / 再帰小辞 / ヒッタイト法律文書 / 歴史言語学 / 母音交替 / 印欧祖語 / 法律文書 / 無声化 / 動詞形態論 / 書記 |
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| Research Abstract |
Old Hittite original manuscripts attest at least four 3 sg. present mi-verb forms in which the ending -zi follows the vocalic stem in e or i. The intervocalic single -z- therein in taken as representing a lenited affricate. It is remarkable that these examples are all characterized by the preform *-di (, *-ti) produced by proto-Anatolian lenition rules. This evident speaks for assibilation of *d before *i in Hittite.
Assibilation of *d before *iィイD5^ィエD5 is also observed in the prehistory of Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iu-"god" and sィイD4^ィエD4iuィイD5^ィエD5att-(Old Hittite sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-)"day", which probably underwent the following changes, respectively : *diィイD5^ィエD5eu->*dziィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> * aiィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> *siィイD5^ィエD5uィイD4-ィエD4-> sィイD4^ィエD4iu- /syuィイD4-ィエD4/and *diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/*diィイD5^ィエD5u-t-es→.*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-mィイD5。ィエD5/diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5-ot-es >*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5od-/*diィイD5^ィエD5euィイD5^ィエD5ot,-,among which Hittite gen
… More
eralized the weak stem and hence *dziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*ziィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5at->*siィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att->sィイD4^ィエD4iィイD5^ィエD5iuィイD5^ィエD5att-/syiwat/.
Assibilation of *d before *i is also observed in the prehistory of the reflexive particle. At the stage of Proto-Anatolian there were two variants of reflexive particle, *-ti and *-di, the latter of which was created by Proto-Anatolian lenition rules. Both *-ti and *-di still existed in Hittite internal prehistory and the Old Hittite ma-a-ni-za (with single -z-) and nu-uz-za (with double -zz-) faithfully reflect the phonological outcomes of assibilation (followed by later apocope) applied to *-ti and *-di, respectively. It is also arguable that the particle *-ti(with a lenited dental) attached to the Hittite preterite middle ending is historically related with the reflexive particle. The reflexive *-ti which escaped being assibilated after *s was later transferred to the preterite middle endings at a pre-Hittite stage to disambiguate them from the corresponding present middle endings. Subsequently to this transfer the second lenition rule which was still alive at a pre-Hittite stage changed *-ti into *-di. Less
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