| Project/Area Number |
14320027
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| Research Category |
Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (B)
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| Allocation Type | Single-year Grants |
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| Section | 一般 |
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| Research Field |
Politics
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| Research Institution | The University of Tokyo |
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Principal Investigator |
TSUNEKAWA Keiichi The University of Tokyo, Graduate School of Arts and Science, Professor, 大学院・総合文化研究科, 教授 (80134401)
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| Co-Investigator(Kenkyū-buntansha) |
WAKABAYASHI Masahiro The University of Tokyo, Graduate School of Arts and Science, Professor, 大学院・総合文化研究科, 教授 (60114716)
NAKAI Kazuo The University of Tokyo, Graduate School of Arts and Science, Professor, 大学院・総合文化研究科, 教授 (40188868)
ENDO Mitsugi The University of Tokyo, Graduate School of Arts and Science, Associate Professor, 大学院・総合文化研究科, 助教授 (70251311)
ASAMI Yasuhito The Hitotsubashi University, Graduate School of Sociology, Associate Professor, 大学院・社会学研究科, 助教授 (60251500)
ONISHI Yutaka The City University of Osaka, Graduate School of Law, Associate Professor, 大学院・法学研究科, 助教授 (90254375)
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| Project Period (FY) |
2002 – 2004
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| Project Status |
Completed (Fiscal Year 2004)
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| Budget Amount *help |
¥16,300,000 (Direct Cost: ¥16,300,000)
Fiscal Year 2004: ¥2,900,000 (Direct Cost: ¥2,900,000)
Fiscal Year 2003: ¥5,500,000 (Direct Cost: ¥5,500,000)
Fiscal Year 2002: ¥7,900,000 (Direct Cost: ¥7,900,000)
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| Keywords | democratization / democracy / constructivism / conflict / structuralism / rational choice / 構成主義 |
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| Research Abstract |
This study presents the hypothesis that the most fundamental factor explaining the long-term endurance of democratic regimes is that people learn, through long and traumatic experiences of conflicts or repression, the importance or necessity of conforming to democratic procedures though being aware that these procedures do not necessarily satisfy their preferences. In addition, we propose to consider structural (both domestic and international) and institutional factors that facilitate or obstruct the democratic learning. This theoretical framework can be called a "structural-constructivist approach" since it emphasizes the democratic norms shaped under certain structural and institutional context. The case of Chile and Argentina confirms the importance of the change of social norms under highly repressive military regimes. However, it also emphasizes that a transformation of social structure lowered leftist forces' capability of mobilization and contributed to rightist forces' accepta
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nce of democratic procedures. The African cases also reveal the importance of structural and institutional factors, though, in these cases, they impede, not facilitate, democratic endurance. Many African countries fell into a vicious circle in which ethnic conflicts and weak state structure reinforce each other. The recent event in Ukraine is a case in which a large-scale confrontation can lead to democratization although it is not yet clear if the new democratic regime can survive for long. The Southeast Asian case demonstrates that the significance of conflicts changes over time. Democracy there became a reality, like in Thailand after 1992, only when democracy came to be regarded as alleviating rather than precipitating conflicts. In contrast, Korea experienced democratization as the result of a rational choice by authoritarian leaders within a conflictive situation rather than the transformation of social norms. Taiwan shares the rational-choice-related aspect with Korea although the conflict between the Chinese and the Taiwanese was also relevant in inducing the authoritarian leaders to compromise. Less
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