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2020 Fiscal Year Final Research Report

A typological study of cross-varietal diversity: the constructionalization of final pragmatic markers

Research Project

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Project/Area Number 16K02637
Research Category

Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research (C)

Allocation TypeMulti-year Fund
Section一般
Research Field Linguistics
Research InstitutionFuji Women's University

Principal Investigator

Mitsuko Izutsu  藤女子大学, 文学部, 教授 (00438334)

Project Period (FY) 2016-04-01 – 2021-03-31
Keywordsfinal-tag construction / final particle / pragmatic marker / constructionalization / final position / right periphery / variational pragmatics / typology
Outline of Final Research Achievements

This research project conducted cross-linguistic and cross-varietal investigations of utterance/clause-final (right-peripheral) elements. In contrastive studies of Irish and American English, we analyzed clauses with final tags (final pragmatic markers) as the final-tag construction, and demonstrated both quantitatively and qualitatively that the construction is more entrenched in the minds of Irish English speakers than American English speakers. We also observed from a contrastive study of Japanese and Korean that Korean shows a relatively lower degree of entrenchment of the final appended construction (the structure with post-predicative elements). On the other hand, we found a similarity in the ordering of final pragmatic markers/particles between English and Japanese (and some other East Asian languages), suggesting that the ordering of final pragmatic markers/particles are regulated by a cross-linguistically similar constraint.

Free Research Field

言語学

Academic Significance and Societal Importance of the Research Achievements

本研究では、文末詞が乏しいとされる英語(VO言語)にも、言語変種(アイルランド英語とアメリカ英語)により、語用標識(pragmatic marker)の文末詞的用法の発達に大きな差異があることを明らかにした。この方言的な差異は、日本語(OV言語)において、語用標識の文末詞化に地域差が観察されていることと近似している。また、言語類型的に類似している日本語と韓国語でも、文末要素の現れ方に違いがあることを観察した。このように同一言語の方言や類型論的に近い言語間でも文末詞の発達に違いがあるということを明らかにすることによって、文末詞的要素に起因する方言摩擦への本質的理解の一助となることが期待できる。

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Published: 2022-01-27  

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