| Budget Amount *help |
¥8,830,000 (Direct Cost: ¥8,200,000、Indirect Cost: ¥630,000)
Fiscal Year 2007: ¥2,730,000 (Direct Cost: ¥2,100,000、Indirect Cost: ¥630,000)
Fiscal Year 2006: ¥3,800,000 (Direct Cost: ¥3,800,000)
Fiscal Year 2005: ¥2,300,000 (Direct Cost: ¥2,300,000)
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| Research Abstract |
The population of Latinos in the United States has been on the increase, partly stimulated by those historical incidents: the Mexican Revolution (1911), the Bracero Program (1942-64), the Cuban Revolution (1959), the Conflicts in Central America (the late 1970s to the 1980s), the Effectuation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (1994), etc. With their population growth, the U.S. Latino community is becoming increasingly differentiated into some socio-economic levels, and then their political attitudes can be found considerably diversified. In this joint research, three of us have made some investigations into and analyses of the actual conditions of those changes.
In the survey on some of the Latino residents in Los Angeles County, most of whom are Mexican-origin, we have tried to find out how the political attitudes of the middle class differ from those of the working class in two of the LA. County cities, Downey and Bell, which have recently been more and more Latino-dominated.
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Then, we have got a result that, in the case of foreign-born Latinos, the middle class have lived in the United States longer, which could show their widely-recognized socio-economic mobility patterns : to attain their middle-class statuses after having lived in the U.S. longer and got the more accommodated to the U.S. society. Also, the result that the middle class are more involved and more interested in both electoral and non-electoral politics can be thought to be more or less related to the legal rules that only the U.S. citizens have the right to register to vote and to the amount of time available for them to participate in politics. As to their opinions on the proposed amendment of the immigration law, the middle-class Latinos have turned out to be more likely to argue for the more punitive measures and against the more lenient measures.
On the other hand, the political inclinations of the Cuban immigrants, living mainly in Florida, have had a marked tendency toward diversification since the late 1990s. Considering the factors behind it, a certain relationship can be found between their political preferences and their year of entry to the U.S. rather than between their political preferences and their ages. In recent years, the U.S. Cuban society has been broadly divided into two : the Old Circle, composed mostly of the older generation who have made Miami what it is today, and the New Immigrant Group, who have arrived there since the 1990s. As chief factors in this change can be pointed out some widening difference between both groups'values including their evaluations of the Cuban Revolution, the weakening of the former group's mobilizing and unifying political powers, the difficulties that the latter tend to face in climbing the socio-economic ladder in spite of their relatively advanced academic backgrounds, etc. Less
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