Budget Amount *help |
¥2,080,000 (Direct Cost: ¥1,600,000、Indirect Cost: ¥480,000)
Fiscal Year 2011: ¥650,000 (Direct Cost: ¥500,000、Indirect Cost: ¥150,000)
Fiscal Year 2010: ¥650,000 (Direct Cost: ¥500,000、Indirect Cost: ¥150,000)
Fiscal Year 2009: ¥780,000 (Direct Cost: ¥600,000、Indirect Cost: ¥180,000)
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Research Abstract |
In this study, I deconstructed the established constraint on English resulatatives that regulates the distribution of phrases flat as in John hammered the metal flat, and proposed a new alternative theory from the lexical-semantic viewpoint. So far resultatives are supposed to follow the Direct Object Restriction(DOR), which requires the resultatives to take the direst object host. However, since the DOR has many counter-examples where the subject can host them too, there has been a new theory needed. The present theory's approach is as follows : first I divided the traditional Theme role into Theme<COS>(=change of state) and Theme<COL>(=change of location), based on which I reanalyzed the distribution of resultatives to propose the Thematic Licensing Constraint on Resultatives(TCLR). The TCLR, unlike the DOR, does not resort to the direct object but look at the semantic matching between the resultative and its host, which can explain not only the facts covered by the DOR but also its counter-examples. This is because the TCLR allows non-direct-object hosts under certain conditions, which is the uniqueness of my theory and the breakthrough to the problems of the former theory. Indeed, subject-host sentences like The couple waltzed to the window are no problem since the host is Theme<COL> and the resultative is Goal, which displays a semantically harmonious condition. There can be further new data predicted. With unergative constructions like The dog died stiff with rigor mortis, the subject can be available for the host. Since the dog carries Theme<COS>, which is in harmony with the resultative with stative interpretation. Furthermore the TCLR is a conceptually natural constraint, which specifies that a stative or locational resultative may be allowed depending whether the host is a undergoer of stative or locational change. Overall, I have developed an innovation theory that explains the distribution of English resultatives.
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